Contextualizing Occupational Changes in Inpui Society

The present century is witnessing perhaps the most widespread change in all of history. Many authors have pointed to the unprecedented pace at which societies around the globe are being transformed, for better or for worse. The Inpui Naga tribe, situated on the western hills of Manipur, has not been immune to these global forces of transformation. Of the many aspects of change, the economic factors represent one of the most important and visible indicators. This article builds on the changing occupational structure of the Inpui society, with special reference to Haochong and Puichi Villages.

The paper is organized in the following manner. The following section introduces the Inpui Naga tribe as an agrarian society in transition, highlighting the institutional arrangements around which agriculture was/is carried out. The next section then spells out the context in which this paper locates occupational changes, starting from the colonial experience, especially the introduction of Christianity and western education. This is followed by a description of the nature of the change being experienced and its implications on the Inpui society. Finally, the paper contends that these changes are an expression of the changing societal imagination which is itself part of the larger process of social transformation.

Jhum Field at Haochong@ Isaac Inkah

The Inpui Naga as an Agrarian Community

The Inpui Nagas are a community of people inhabiting a part of Tamenglong District and the Imphal valley of Manipur, as well as some parts of Nagaland. They have a rich culture that may be traced back to at least 2000 years of history. Oral history about the origin of the Inpuis from Ramting Kabin in Makuilongdi is widely known. However, the earliest written records mentioning an Inpui village- Haochong, are to be found in the Royal Chronicles of the Metei Kings Cheitharol Kumbaba and Ningthourol Kumbaba dating back to the reign of the Meitei King Meidingu Naothingkhong (585 - 685 AD) (Singh & Singh, 1989: 5; Singh, 1967: 41). The name ‘Haochong’ is derived from a local legend involving a Meitei King Pangkanba or Meidingu Nongdam Lairen Pakhangba, 63 AD (Alung Khumba, 2012). It may be safely inferred that Inpui villages have been in existence since at least the first century AD. The Inpui tribe speaks a distinct language, a “Tibeto-Burman language of the Naga-Bodo subgroup of Naga group” (Devi, 2013: 469). It was recognized by the Government of India in 2011. A population of around 11,000 people is distributed in 15 villages of different sizes in Manipur and Nagaland. In the last decade or so, all the villages in the hill district of Tamenglong have been linked by motorable kutcha roads to National Highway No. 37 and the local market center Noney.

The economic life of the Inpui tribe, which is of major interest to this paper, shares many common features with various other tribes of North-east India. Agriculture, more specifically, shifting agriculture or jhuming, until recently, provided the basis of livelihood in all the villages. While there is little historical information on the origin of the practice of shifting agriculture by these tribes, jhuming was the mainstay of the economic life until the colonial annexation followed by Independence. It is observed that aspects of jhuming find a significant position in the social-cultural, political-institutional arrangements and collective imagination of the people indicating a long and close relationship with this unique form of hill-agriculture. The highly developed form of agriculture with its delicate adaptation to the local environment further adds to this argument. From this perspective, the Inpui society may be seen as a highly developed agrarian community with a rich and intimate knowledge of the local ecology. At this juncture, it is important to briefly point out the manner in which social-cultural-political institutions have been shaped by shifting agriculture.

First, the nature of land-holdings (Taram and Loukhun), which is communal but not without private decision making. Second, the institutions of Katang-rup and Tangak-rup were central to the functioning of the agricultural calendar in the traditional pre-Christian society (which have been replaced, in part, by the Baptist Youth Fellowship (BYF) in the present Christian society). Third, the organization of exchange labor, locally known as kalomnu, may be understood as an arrangement to offset labor scarcity in a typical Inpui village where no wage laborers for employment may be found. Fourth, the shifting agricultural calendar was dotted with various rites, rituals and festivals that marked various seasons of work and leisure following the natural cycle of growth and decay. Finally, the imagination and identity of the people; of success, pride and honor (into-somdunmnu); and gendered roles were closely associated with shifting agriculture.

Kamui is used to mark the boundary between loukhun@Isaac Inkah

The Context of Occupational Changes

The traditional shifting agricultural society was a different world altogether with its own set of challenges. It appears that outside influences particularly the Meitei society, despite having a ‘close’ market-linkage, did not alter the Inpui society to a large extent. In contrast, the colonial experience may be understood as a watershed that initiated a transition that continues onto the present. Christianity and Western education were introduced side by side. Conversion to Christianity meant that many traditional institutions became redundant or were superseded by the Church. At the same time, the informal organization and character of the Church (for e.g. festivals and their celebration) have been uniquely shaped by the predominating culture. However, the effects of English education are being felt with far greater impact on the present society than in the past. Another important context of change is that Inpui villages became part of a State, perhaps for the first time in history. The setting up of structures like Gaon Burah and Village Authority was an initiation into a system of administration foreign to the people. The traditional Thampei has now been left with far lesser power than in the past. In fact, the colonial period saw the division of the Inpui society into marked sections of religious, political, cultural and economic life. While these divisions existed in the past, it had not gained a distinctive character that it began to take in the post-colonial, Christian era.

Yet another determining factor in the changing economics of the Inpui society is greater integration into the state-system. This is at various levels: getting government jobs, joining the Indian Army, the penetration of roads and communication network and integration into the market system. In the last decade or so, the market has influenced the society in a myriad number of ways. This also leads to the next section.

Brinjal in bloom@Isaac Inkah

What do Changes look like?

 Any meaningful conversation with an older person reveals that much has changed in the Inpui society. In the economic context, perhaps this may be captured by the term ‘diversification’. Simply put, the average Inpui family is not confined only to the practice of Shifting agriculture for livelihood as in the past. This may mean any number of things. For example, the jhum fields have become smaller while Wet-rice (tui-lou), horticulture (baroksi-lou, kumla, nachang, rwaba, heirangphok farm) has become more popular. The practice of wet-rice agriculture which may be traced to the 1960s in the Inpui region now predominate the mountain landscape. In some cases, families no longer practice jhum, depending on other sources of income. The villages of Nungtek which are nearer to the market town Noney carry out jhuming with much less intensity than in the hills. In Haochong village, an interesting practice is observed: jhum fields are large in size when fields (ramrai) are closer. As the fields move further away from the village in the jhum cycle, the fields also become smaller in size. This is observed on a smaller scale in Puichi village too. Apart from agriculture and related activities, a large section of the people are employed with the government; some others are vehicle owners and drivers, business-women, school teachers, construction workers, carpenters. There is also a category of workers that is slowly emerging which may be loosely called as ‘daily-wage laborers’. The following Table 1.1 reveals what changes in the occupational structure looks like in Haochong and Puichi villages.

 Table 1:1 Main sources of income and number of families for Haochong and Puichi Village

Sources of Income	Number of Families
	Haochong	Puichi
Agriculture (Jhum)	60	88
Agriculture (Wet Rice)	46	53
Horticulture/Plantation	37	48
Govt. Employee	31	3
Business	7	1
Vehicle (Jeep, Truck, Tractor) Owner	7	2
Private School Teacher	5	3
Others*	29	10
Total HHs Surveyed#	98	89

Source: Khumbah, A. Lozaanba (2015): “Revisiting Transitions in Shifting Agriculture in North-East India: A Case Study of Two Villages in Manipur”)

* Others include NGO workers, Christian workers, construction workers, daily wage earners, carpenter, driver, rice-mill owners. It excludes family members who live and work outside the village, e.g. in Delhi.

# Total Households Surveyed does not mean the actual number of households in the village.

Agriculture continues to be the backbone of livelihood in the two villages. However, jhum is no longer the only source of income. Wet-rice and horticulture/plantation is being done by nearly half of the households in both villages. Out of the 98 families surveyed in Haochong village, only 60 families practice jhuming. In Puichi almost all families cultivated jhum fields of different sizes. It must be kept in mind that almost all families carry out a combination of jhum, wet-rice and plantation and other activities. Government employment also forms an important component of income source. Non-agricultural works form a significant source of income for a small but growing number of families.

Implications of Changes

The full force of diversification in Inpui economy may be appreciated when it is realized that these changes started only after India’s independence, especially since the 1980s. The relatively short period in which occupational structures are being transformed means that there are multiple outcomes. The most important effect is in the ownership and utilization of land. With market-friendly crops being preferred over the traditional staple crops, private control on land has increased markedly. Increasing incidences of conflict over land is thus inevitable and is being witnessed. The unhappy outcome of this process is the alienation of land. For example, loukhun can be ‘borrowed’ for jhuming; however, it cannot be ‘borrowed’ for horticulture/plantation. This means that the more lucrative opportunities of horticulture are confined to the loukhun owners and his/her next of kin. Thus, one can observe the underlying process of social and economic inequality at work.

 At the same time, the opportunities offered by the market have transformed the Inpui society like never before. Agricultural business has become a reality even as more vehicles and better roads further encourage these activities. The MNREGA has played no insignificant role in the economic uplift of the average Inpui family.

 The changing imagination of the Inpui society

Perhaps the most fascinating characteristic of the present Inpui society is to do with the ‘aspirations’ of the common people. This may be understood as an undercurrent accompanying the changing economic situation. The dreams of a ‘normal’ Inpui parent for his/her children are to become ‘officers’. It is noteworthy that while the parents work in kang-lou, they look forward to their children becoming IAS Officers! It has to be noted that the traditional practices of Into-Somdumnu or Muliangnu do not appeal to the average Inpui person as much as it used to in the past. Success is being measured in terms of education (government jobs) and not so much by the amount of grain harvested. This reveals a deep-seated change that has taken place in the Inpui psyche. The struggle for identity has also played a determining role in this collective aspiration of the people. Perhaps it is a result of a number of factors which include among others Christianity, education mixed with the fascination for ‘regular’ government jobs, market influence and desire for higher standards of living etc. In conclusion, the Inpui society, like many other neighboring societies in the hills, is undergoing a massive social transformation. The traditional is being abandoned rapidly for the promises of ‘economic security’ which has been given the status of a deity in the modern capitalistic world. However, it comes with a grave issue of rising social and economic inequality and injustice. A changed occupational structure also reveals the changing imagination of a people who are engaged in establishing their identity in an increasingly insecure environment.

A.Lozaanba Khumba, currently a doctoral candidate at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi.

NB: This article was first published in Kala-Khwanbaang KK/Vol.III/Issue 1/2015. PP 11-14

Reproduced in this blog with due permission from the author.

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